Summary of Iran Stories in Today&apos;s BroadcastsBehnam NateghiTuesday, February 10, 2004 <b>Guardians Council Issues Final List of Approved Elections Candidates</b> * None of the prominent reformist MPs appears on the final list of those approved by the Guardians Council to run in the February 20 elections. In its final review, the Guardians Council reinstated some of he moderate Tehran reformist MPs, such as Majles speaker Mehdi Karrubi, Ali Akbar Mohtashamipour, Elias Hazrai and Jamileh Kadivar. With the publication of the final list, it appears that the election crisis, which began a month ago with the disqualification of nearly 3,000 of the reformist candidacy applicants, has more or less subsided. Prominent Tehran MPs from the Participation Front (Jebheh-ye Mosharekat) and the leftist Mojahedin of the Islamic Revolution (MIRO), such as Majles deputy speaker Mohammed-Reza Khatami, head of the Majles national security and foreign relations committee Mohsen Mirdamadi, Mohsen Armin, Ali Shakurirad, and Fatemeh Haqiqatju, remain banned from reelection. The two top pro-reform parties have said they will not participate in the elections. Meanwhile, most ardent conservatives, such as Asadollah Badamchian, Habibollah Asgaroladi, Saeed Abutaleb and Ali Falahian were permitted to run. The conservative faction is now poised to repeat its victory in the Tehran municipal election which was accomplished after a majority of voters did not vote. The state-run radio-TV monopoly is urging people to take part in the elections, because a lower than 40 percent voter turnout would intensify the regime&apos;s legitimacy crisis. (Siavash Ardalan) <b>British Crown Prince&apos;s Visit to Iran</b> • Price Charles&apos; visit to Iran could not have taken place without prior agreement of Prime Minster Tony Blair and Foreign Secretary Jack Straw, even though as head of the British society of the Red Cross, he had ample reason to visit the site of Bam earthquake, London-based columnist and CNN commentator <b>Amir Taheri</b> tells <b>Radio Farda</b>. Prince Charles&apos; meeting in Tehran with President Khatami was insignificant, because neither has decision-making role, he adds. There is still a difference of opinion about dialogue with Iran in the British parliament, which has to be ironed out, Taheri adds. And, there is also a difference of opinion between the US and Britain about negotiating with the Islamic government, he says. There are those in the ruling circles on both sides of the Atlantic who believe the Islamic Republic cannot be trusted and no normal negotiation is possible with Iran under the current regime, Taheri says. (Alireza Taheri) <b>25th Anniversary of the Anti-Shah Revolution</b> • The anti-Shah revolution was inevitable, nationalist activist and member of the Freedom Movement of Iran <b>Gholam-Abbas Tavasoli</b> says, commenting in <b>Radio Farda</b>&apos;s special report on the 25th anniversary of the revolution that toppled the Shah&apos;s regime and established the Islamic Republic. After the ouster of populist prime minister Mohammad Mossadeq in 1953, “many radical things took place, (the Shah&apos;s) dictatorship became steeper and (secret police) SAVAK intensified its activities. But since June 1963, things changed, and a popular movement began to support the clergy, until 1970, during which Ali Shariati began to give the Islamic movement a new cultural lift. His influence on young people and academicians continued until the 1979 revolution, which was an extension of these movements. And, Tavasoli adds, there was no other way. The Shah was not ready to democratize the system and climb down from the horse of dictatorship and being the king of kings. On the other hand, the young people and the masses had become conscious, and academicians, students and young people had stepped on the scene, Tavasoli says. • The February 1979 could have been avoided if the Shah had wanted to, and had acted at the right time, Paris-based leftist activist (and a leader of the Marxist-Leninist anti-Shah guerrilla group Fedayeen-e Khalq Organiation) <b>Farokh Negahdar</b> says. March 1973, when the Shah abolished the two party system and started his Resurrection (Rastakhiz) party, was his last opportunity for reforms; the weak implementation of which made the 1979 revolution inevitable. • Since 1962, Khomeini&apos;s movement had been gathering force by underground activities. In 1979 it turned into a massive popular movement. The toppling of the Shah&apos;s regime was a demand shared simultaneously by all political forces. By taking command of this movement, Ayatollah Khomeini managed to establish the Islamic Republic, and put it to vote in a national referendum. “That person, the government of that person, and the Majles of that person, all of these are illegal, they are criminals and must be put on trial, Islamic revolution&apos;s leader Ayatollah Khomeini said of Shahpour Bakhtiar and his government, installed as a last resort by the Shah before departing the country forever. “I will appoint a government; I will slap this government in the face,” Khomeini said. • Because of Ayatollah Khomeini&apos;s firm stance against the Shah, and the people&apos;s anger at the authorities for insulting Ayatollah Khomeini and the clergy in the (information ministry&apos;s) famous article in Keyhan (actually, evening daily Ettele&apos;at), the Islamic revolution became inevitable, Tehran-based journalist (with links to the conservative faction) <b>Mohammad-Hossein Jafarian</b> says. Especially since, he adds, the Imam (Ayatollah Khomeini) was in Iran and millions were at his command, and he did not want to compromise with the regime in power. This inevitable event took place, and the Shah&apos;s regime fell, and His Holiness the Imam achieved his goal, Jafarian says. • The 1979 revolution could be avoided. It happened because of the wrong decisions made by the political leaders who did not have an understanding of the national and international situations, monarchist activist (chair of the department of international business administration at the American University of Paris) <b>Shahin Fatemi</b> says. The political leaders&apos; support for the Bakhtiar government could have set Iran on the right track, he adds, and the country could have avoided paying the heavy price of a revolution for things that were possible to be achieved with simple reforms. The future generations will not forgive the mistakes made by those leaders, Fatemi says. At the time of the revolution, he adds, the country was more ready than any other time for reforms. The revolution was a step backward, and caused the nation heavy losses and continues to inflict heavy losses, Fatemi says. • The Islamic revolution was a step in the country&apos;s gradual accomplishment of the goals that were set by the 1901 constitutional movement, nationalist activist and culture minister in the first post-revolutionary government (and a member of the Jebheh Melli, the National Front) <b>Parviz Varjavand</b> says. Popular sovereignty, rule of law and preservation of the national interests and civil liberties, in the true meaning of the phrase, were the demands of the people in the 1979 revolution, he adds. Unfortunately, a power hungry group has taken over the country and instead of responding to the people&apos;s demands and supporting such basic goals as independence, social justice, democracy and rule of law, it has led the country in a direction the result of which we are witnessing today, Varjavand says. • I don&apos;t think the Islamic revolution has reached its goals, Jafarian says. They say revolution devours its children, and turns into the thing against which it fought, but this is of course not true of the Islamic revolution. However, the country&apos;s conditions today, particularly the economic conditions, also the social and political problems we are faced today, show that the revolution has not reached all its goals. In many instances, the revolution has stopped short, and in some cases expediency has discolored the goals and ideals, and has erased some of them, Jafarian says. • The revolution had two aspects: Islamic and democratic, says Tavasoli. Both were equally prominent since the outset, hence the Islamic Republic, he adds. The Iran-Iraq war and the activities of the so-called anti-revolution, and other obstacles the revolution faced in its course, forced it to close its ranks, and not implement the democratic aspect written into the constitution, he says. Among the three main slogans of the revolution -- independence, freedom and Islamic republic -- we can say that only independence has been achieved, and the revolution has survived the external pressures. • The regime cannot survive the current (elections) crisis without responding to the people&apos;s demands, Varjavand says. The crisis has crippled the regime&apos;s ability to make long-term plans and we are faced with basic shortcomings and problems in many areas. We need to step towards a real democracy based on a powerful Majles, but this requires the authorities to agree to the people&apos;s demand for popular sovereignty, Varjavand adds. • The exile opposition sees the scorecard of the Islamic Republic totally negative, pointing to the government&apos;s human rights record, the suppression of civil liberties, such as freedom of expression, and women&apos;s rights. But there are many who see the past 25 years a mix of highs and lows and wins and losses on the historical path to freedom and democracy, <b>Radio Farda</b> broadcaster <b>Jamshid Zand</b> says at the end of his special report on the anniversary of the 1797 revolution. • In interviews with <b>Radio Farda</b>, young Iranians say they do not appreciate their parents&apos; participation in the Islamic revolution. Conditions were better under the Shah, a young Tehrani resident says. (Mahdiah Javid) • Nearly 250 Iranians demonstrated against the 1979 revolution in front of Berlin&apos;s Intercontinental Hotel, where the Islamic government held a party to celebrate the anniversary of the revolution. Basic human rights were trampled on during the past 25 years, anti-regime activist <b>Hamid Nowzari</b> tells <b>Radio Farda</b>. (Parviz Mardani, Berlin) • The revolution turned into a totalitarian system, Washington-based activist <b>Mohammad Borqei</b> who supported the Islamic Revolution in 1979, tells <b>Radio Farda</b>. (Ali Sajjadi) <b>Arab League Rejects Iran&apos;s Application to Join as Observer</b> • The Arab League rejected Iran&apos;s applicant to join the group as an observer. Iran&apos;s request to join the Arab League was not rooted in reality and a mistake, espeically at a time when Egypt and Libya plan to cancel their membership, London-based international relations professor <b>Pirouz Mojtahedzadeh</b> tells <b>Radio Farda</b>. (Alireza Taheri) . بهمن باستاني (راديوفردا): شوراي نگهبان فهرست نهايي نامزدهاي انتخاباتي را بعد از هفته ها کشاکش، با اصلاح طلبان دولتي و مجلسي منتشر کرد. اکنون بحث انتخابات مجلس هفتم، وارد فاز تبليغاتي آن مي شود، هم به لحاظ تبليغات براي نامزدها، و هم به لحاظ تبليغات حکومتي براي دعوت مردم براي شرکت در انتخابات مجلس هفتم. سياوش اردلان (راديوفردا): با نهايي شدن فهرست تمامي نامزدهاي انتخاباتي براي مجلس هفتم، بحران رد صلاحيت ها نيز فروکش کرد. شوراي نگهبان اسامي بيش از پنج هزار و 700 نفر که اجازه دارند در انتخابات مجلس نامزد شوند را منتشر کرد. تقريبا نام هيچکدام از چهره هاي شاخص جناح اصلاح طلب در اين فهرست نيست. همان افرادي که دبير شوراي نگهبان آنها را بحران سازان خوانده بود. در ليست نامزدهاي تاييد شده تهران، تنها چند تن از نمايندگان اصلاح طلب تهران در مجلس کنوني، مجلس ششم، تاييد شده اند، که آنها هم جزو طيف هاي معتدل تر اصلاح طلب شمرده مي شوند، مثل مهدي کروبي، علي اکبر محتشمي پور، مجيد انصاري، الياس حضرتي و جمليه کديور. اما جنجالي ترين نمايندگان مجلس ششم مثل محمدرضا خاتمي، محسن آرمين، علي شکوري راد، محسن ميردامادي و فاطمه حقيقت جو، اجازه نيافتند نامزد مجلس هفتم شوند. اين امر اتفاق نيافتاد، به رغم آنکه دولت محمد خاتمي تلاش خود را به کار برد. تلاش هاي دولت تا به آنجا رسيد که صدها تن از چهره هاي نه چندان شناخته شده را که رد صلاحيت شده بودند را به تاييد شوراي نگهبان برساند. افزون بر اين دولت توانست تاييد صلاحيت 206 نفر ديگر را از آيت الله خامنه اي، رهبر جمهوري اسلامي، بگيرد. معاون اجرايي شوراي نگهبان، نقش آيت الله خامنه اي را در تاييد صلاحيت عده اي از رد صلاحيت شدگان چنين بيان کرد. سيد محمد جهرمي گفت: 206 نفري که به وسيله حکم حکومتي تاييد صلاحيت شده بودند، تاييد صلاحيت شدند. اما حکم حکومتي آيت الله خامنه اي، شامل افرادي که او غير مستقيم گردن کلفت خوانده بود نشد. اين افراد که عمدتا اعضاي حزب مشارکت و سازمان مجاهدين انقلاب هستند، گفتند که در انتخابات مجلس شرکت نمي کنند. اما ديگر مهم گروه اصلاح طلب، يعني مجمع روحانيون مبارز، وفاداري خود به حکومت را بر نارضايي خود از عملکرد شوراي نگهبان ترجيح داد. اما در فهرست نامزدهاي تاييد شده، نام شماري از تندرو ترين چهره هاي دست راستي، و فعالان حزب الله ديده مي شود. مثل اسد الله بادامچيان، حبيب الله عسگر اولادي، سعيد ابوطالب و علي فلاحيان. جناح راست که اين روزها از سطح فرماندهان سپاه گرفته، تا سياستمداران قديمي، به شدت نسبت به تسخير مجلس اميدوار است، مي کوشد تا تجربه آخرين انتخابات شوراها را تکرار کند. در انتخابات شوراها، شرکت اندک مردم، به ويژه در شهرهاي بزرگ مانند تهران، باعث شد تا آرايي که به صندوق ها ريخته شود، نامزدهاي دست راستي و حزب اللهي را به پيروزي برساند. جناح راست براي فتح کرسي هاي مجلس بايد به شرکت اندک مردم و شرکت حداکثري طرفداران خود دل خوش باشد. اما اين به معناي خواست مجموعه حکومت نيست، زيرا براي رهبران نظام، اولويت وجهه حکومت است، که ممکن است با شرکت اندک مردم در انتخابات مخدوش شود. صدا و سيماي جمهوري اسلامي اين روزها مردم را به زير بمباراني از تبليغات براي شرکت در انتخابات مجلس هفتم گرفته است. تعطيلي طولاني مدتي که اين هفته به واسطه سالگرد 22 بهمن و عيد قدير، کشور را تا روز شنبه به حالت نيمه تعطيل مي کشاند، از جمله تعطيلي روزنامه ها، عرصه تبليغات حکومتي را براي صدا و سيما باز مي گذارد، هر چند که نمي توان نقش تبليغات معکوس برنامه هاي ضد حکومتي ماهواره اي از لس آنجلس را ناديده گرفت که فعالانه مردم را دعوت به تحريم انتخابات مي کنند. در دوران پس از دوم خرداد 76، در بدترين شرايط، شرکت راي دهندگان، هم در انتخابات مجلس و هم در انتخابات شوراها، زير 40% نرفت. شرکت زير 40% مردم در انتخابات مجلس هفتم، مي تواند آنچه بحران مشروعيت حکومت نام گرفته را شدت بخشد، اما حضور بيشتر مردم در پاي صندوق هاي راي، حتي اگر در شهرهاي بزرگي مانند تهران اندک باشد، نه تنها جان تازه اي به کالبد حکومت مي دهد، بلکه موقعيت تبليغاتي جناح اصلاح طلب را در برابر جناح راست تضعيف خواهد کرد، به ويژه اگر اين نامزدهاي مشخصا دست راستي باشند که کرسي هاي مجلس را فتح کنند. شوراي نگهبان فهرست نهايي نامزدهاي انتخاباتي را بعد از هفته ها کشاکش با اصلاح طلبان دولتي و مجلسي منتشر کرد. تقريبا نام هيچکدام از چهره هاي شاخص جناح اصلاح طلب در اين فهرست نيست. در ليست نامزدهاي تاييد شده تهران، تنها چند تن از نمايندگان طيف هاي معتدل تر اصلاح طلب ديده مي شوند. حکم حکومتي رهبر جمهوري اسلامي براي تاييد صلاحيت 206 تن ديگر از داوطلبان نامزدي نيز شامل اعضاي حزب مشارکت و سازمان مجاهدين انقلاب، افرادي که وي غير مستقيم آنها را گردن کلفت خوانده بود، نشد. در فهرست نامزدهاي تاييد شده، نام شماري از تندرو ترين چهره هاي دست راستي، و فعالان حزب الله ديده مي شود. اکنون جناح راست به شدت نسبت به تسخير مجلس اميدوار است و مي کوشد تا تجربه آخرين انتخابات شوراها را تکرار کند.