Summary of Iran Stories in Today&apos;s BroadcastsBehnam NateghiMonday, August 18, 2003 <b>Anniversary of the Fall of Prime Minister Mosaddegh</b> • Tomorrow is the 50th anniversary of the political events that brought down populist prime minister Mohammed Mossadegh, following what has been termed by anti-Shah forces as the US-backed coup. Supporters of the Shah, who dismissed Mosaddegh by a decree, call it a popular uprising. <b>Radio Farda</b> airs a series of interviews with scholars and political activists about the background, foreign and domestic forces at play, the aftermath of the fall of Mosaddegh, and its relation to our time. • Mosaddegh stood against colonialism and monarchical dictatorship, neither of which exists today. However, he is a reminder of the fact that Iranians have always stood on their feet and fought on, even under worst conditions, former information minister <b>Dariush Homayoun</b> tells <b>Radio Farda</b>. He adds that Mosaddegh was a populist hero from the kind of Sukarno and Nkrumah, who connected with the masses, above and beyond the law. He showed that he had no respect for laws, when he dissolved the Majles and the Senate and called for an unconstitutional referendum. His premiership was aided by marshal law, which allowed the government to arrest anyone and close any newspaper. He considered these actions necessary for the fight against British imperialism, but they were certainly far from legal. He was a claimant to power, in par with the Shah and Ayatollah Abolqasem Kashani. • Mosaddegh&apos;s legacy was seeking independence. He was the last in the line of Iranian aristocrats, who sought to mix the past traditions with the needs of modern times, former nationalist activist and Majles MP, Paris-based commentator </b>Ahmad Salamatian</b> tells <b>Radio Farda</b>. Ayatollah Khomeini closely supported Ayatollah Kashani in his harsh criticism of Mosaddegh. He was close to the Fedayian-e Eslam, who assassinated Mosaddegh&apos;s foreign minister and ally Hossein Fatemi. After the Islamic revolution, the assassin was glorified as a great historical figure. The ruling clerics today consider themselves heirs of Ayatollah Khashani, and consider the nationalist forces their most effective political rival, even though the national front has never been weaker. • The Fedayian-e Islam, who were inspired by Ayatollah Khomeini, believed in monarchism. The idea of an Islamic government, which is now being attributed to Fedayian-e Islam, had not been born yet, scholar <b>Khosrow Shakeri</b> tells <b>Radio Farda</b>. Mosaddegh was a secular politician, and wanted to modernize the Iranian society by mixing Iranian traditions with western culture and way of life. • After the revolution, Ayatollah Khomeini briefly used Mosaddegh followers in the provisional government, because he could not trust the affairs of the government to clerics. But after the occupation of the US embassy in Tehran, when the nationalists resigned for the third time, he conceded, and the Islamic Republic Party took over. (Mehdi Khalaji) • The left, and in particular the communist Tudeh party, eased the ouster of Mosaddegh by denying him support on the coup day, London-based historian <b>Mashallah Ajudani</b> tells <b>Radio Farda</b>. • Mosaddegh lost the support of a great number of his own Jebheh-ye Meli (The National Front) allies, who faulted his opportunistic tolerance of the left. He also suffered from his own personality and his undemocratic style of management, Paris-based writer <b>Baqer Momeni</b> tells <b>Radio Farda</b>. • Mossadegh&apos;s ally Ayatollah Kashani turned against him and favored the Shah, Los Angeles-based writer </b>Homa Sarshar</b> tells <b>Radio Farda</b>. Kashahni and Mosaddegh and the Shah all used the services of street thugs to his own benefit, she adds. (Amir Armin) • The Islamic revolution suppressed the Mosaddegh supporters from the early days on, and pushed the national front underground, Frankfurt-based leftist activist <b>Mehdi Khanbaba Tehrani</b> tells <b>Radio Farda</b>. • Toronto University student <b>Bahman Kalbasi</b> tells <b>Radio Farda</b> that the association of Iranian students will hold a seminar in the Toronto University on the events of August 19, 1952. He adds that the organizers have only invited speakers who share the view that what happened on that day was a “coup.” However, he adds, there are still other disagreements about the speakers. He says many of those who were invited for the August 23 event would not make it. (Amir-Mosaddegh Katouzian) <b>Press Court Summons Editor of <i>Touse&apos;e</i> Newspaper</b> • For the fourth time in a week, the press court summoned Qoli Sheikhi, editor of the reformist daily <i>Touse&apos;e (Development)</i>. (Ali Sajjadi) <b>Judiciary Chief Calls Press Freedom Enemy&apos;s Tool</b> • Judiciary chief Ayatollah Mahmoud Hashemi-Shahroudi called press freedom a tool of the regime&apos;s enemies with which they intend to put pressure on it. He said principal frameworks and red-lines were not being respected by the press. (Ali Sajjadi) <b>US Congressman Payne on US-Iran Relations</b> • Congressman <b>Ronald Payne</b> (D-NJ) tells <b>Radio Farda</b> that Russia and China would reconsider their support for Iran&apos;s nuclear program in favor of the economic and political benefits of cooperation with the UN and the west. He adds that Iranians admire the US and its commitment to freedom, and a new class is on the rise in Iran that would have an impact on change. (Ebrahim Biparva) <b>Smuggling and Illegal Imports</b> • Illegal imports benefit various well-connected institutions who control ports and border entry points similar to a feudal society, London-based businessman <b>Hossein Azarian</b> tells <b>Radio Farda</b>. For example, the Iraqi Al-Dawa party had the monopoly of cigarette smuggling, he adds. Government will eliminate smuggling of goods into Iran by giving special permissions to certain people to import a certain product or category of products, London-based businessman <b>Hertsel Eshaqi</b> tells <b>Radio Farda</b>. (Fariba Mavedat) <b>Majles Approves a Revised Version of the Anti-Torture Bill</b> • Majles approved a revised version of a bill to ban all forms of torture, which had been rejected the conservative Guardians Council. Tehran-based lawyer <b>Ahmad Bashiri</b> tells <b>Radio Farda</b> that the revised version of he bill, which exempts court-ordered torture from the ban, would make it ineffective. (Nazi Azima) • Head of the Majles complaints committee Majid Ansari-Rad says the Majles would not revive the anti-torture bill and he is certain that the Guardians Council will approve it. (Golnaz Esfandiari) <b>Iranian and Afghan Pilgrims Visit Shiite Shrines in Iraq</b> • Returning from an illegal trip to Baghdad, an Afghan immigrant to Iran tells RFE/RL&apos;s Afghan service AzadiRadio that Iraqi people treat the pilgrims warmly. Hashemi, an Iranian, says risks such as dying from dehydration or bullets threaten those who illegally cross the border. (Seyyed Ehsan) • Five Iranian pilgrims die as they attempted to cross the Arvandrud (Shat-ol-Arab) waterway that divided Iran and Iraq. (Ardavan Niknam) <b>Factions Brace for Election Battle</b> • The conservatives plan to portray the reformists as godless and the election as the battle between religious right and wrong. A group of right-wing Majles MPs plan to ask the Supreme Leader to ban further talk in the Majles on the bill to reform the election law. (Jamshid Chalangi) • The interior ministry proposed next February for the upcoming Majles elections, arguing that the election would benefit from the celebratory mood of the country on the anniversary of the founding of the Islamic regime, according to parliamentary deputy of the interior minister Mahmoud Mirlouhi. However, he added, the conservative Guardians Councils considers the religious morning period of Moharram a better date. (Mina Baharmast) . اردوان نيکنام (راديوفردا): فردا پنجاهمين سالگرد حادثه اي است كه به كودتاي بيست و هشتم مرداد شهرت يافته است. در چنين روزي در سال 1332 خورشيدي، دولت دكتر محمد مصدق سقوط كرد. هواداران سلطنت محمدرضا شاه پهلوي، سقوط دولت مصدق را حاصل قيامي ملي قلمداد مي كنند و پيروان محمد مصدق، آنرا كودتايي كه به پشتيباني دولتهاي بريتانيا و آمريكا انجام گرفت. درباره زمينه هاي پيدايش اين رويداد كه نقشي تعيين كننده در تاريخ معاصر سياسي ايران داشته، مطالعات و تحقيقات گسترده اي صورت گرفته است. همچنين درباره نقش دولتهاي خارجي در براندازي دولت مصدق و نيز پيامدهاي آن براي تحولات بعدي جامعه ايران. در گزارشي كه مي شنويد، صاحبنظران در گفتگو با همكارم مهدي خلجي، به ميراث سياسي دكتر محمد مصدق و نيز روند مصدق ستيزي در جمهوري اسلامي مي پردازند. مهدي خلجي (راديو فردا): مصدق در خاطره جمعي ايرانيان، نماد مليت، استقلال، آزادي خواهي و قانون گرايي شناخته شده و مانند هر نماد جمعي، به دست دوستان و دشمنانش صورتي اسطوره اي يافته است. در دهه هاي گذشته، دهها كتاب و مقاله درباره وي و جنبش ملي شدن نفت و كودتاي 28 مرداد نوشته شده، اما هنوز منابع تاريخي دست اولي كه بتواند تصويري دقيق و علمي از روزگار دولت او در دست دهد، در دست نيست. مصدق در ايام پادشاهي محمد رضا پهلوي، محاكمه و محكوم شد. يارانش نيز در زندان انزوا افتادند، جبهه ملي كه به رهبري مصدق شكل گرفته بود، تحولات چندي را از سر گذراند. با انقلاب ايران، مليون نيز مانند ديگر احزاب و گروهها در براندازي نظام سلطنتي شركت كردند. آيت الله خميني در مقام رهبري انقلاب، نخستين دولت پس از انقلاب را از ميان همين ملي ها و پيروان محمد مصدق برگزيد، اما مخالفت با انديشه مصدق و شخصيت او از همان ماههاي نخستين پس از پيروزي انقلاب آغاز شد. اكنون پس از سپري شدن چند دهه از تجربه سياسي محمد مصدق، اين پرسش باري سياست انديشان و سياست ورزان مطرح است كه ميراث وي براي امروز ايران چيست؟ داريوش همايون، وزير اطلاعات در عصر سلطنت محمد رضا پهلوي، ميراث مصدق را صرفا نمادين ميداند. داريوش همايون: مبارزه مصدق يك در جبهه ضد استعماري بود، آن روز ايران به هيچ وجه در شرايط استعماري قرار ندارد، مسئله استيفاي حقوق ايران در ميان نيست، موقعيت استراتژيك ايران اصلا يك چيز ديگري شده، ربطي به دوران مصدق ندارد، ما اصلا با جنگ سرد ديگر سرو كار نداريم، دومين دل مشغولي مصدق و مبارزه مصدق بر ضد استبداد پادشاهي بود و او مشروطه خواه بود و تا اواخر در پي اجراي قانون اساسي بود، امروز طبعا پادشاهي نيست در ايران، ‌پادشاهي استبدادي نيست و موضوعيتي ندارد. آنچه كه از مصدق ما ميتوانيم امروز بگيريم، به عنوان يك شخصيت بزرگ تاريخي ايران است، الهام بخش ما در روزهاي تيره و تار، كه اين ملت به هر حال هميشه توانايي اين را داشته است كه در بدترين شرايط و ناتوان‌ترين صورتهاي خودش، روي پا بايستد و مبارزه كند. م . خ: احمد سلامتيان، از اعضاي جبهه ملي، ديدگاهي يكسر متفاوت دارد و ستيز مصدق را با هرگونه راديكاليسم، مهمترين ميراث مصدق مي انگارد. راديكاليسمي كه حتي در شعارهاي بازمانده از انقلاب ايران، جلوه مي يابد. احمد سلامتيان: مهمترين چيزي كه از ميراث دكتر مصدق به نظر من باقي مي ماند، مسئله استقلال طلبي در چهارچوب هويت ملي ايران است در همه عناصر مشكلش. و كوشش براي هماهنگ ساختن اين هويت و استقلال طلبي، با ضروريات رشد و مدرنيته. اگر دكتر مصدق آزادي خواه است، اگر دكتر مصدق رعايت قانون مي كند، به طور دائم در تمام زندگيش گفته كه من قانوني عمل مي كنم، اگر دكتر مصدق در دوره هاي مختلف حقوق شهروندان را رعايت كرده، بيشتر به اين علت است كه مي شود گفت افرادي مثل دكتر مصدق آخرين كسان از دبيران و اعيان حكومت قبلي ايران هستند كه توانسته اند سنتهاي قبل را با ضرورتهاي جامعه مدرن زماني كه بخصوص براي تحصيل به خارج آمده بودند و دكتر مصدق به سوئيس رفت و در آنجا درس حقوق خواند، نوعي تلفيق كردند و در اين تلفيق خودشان يك نكته عمده ديگري را هم به عنوان روش داشتند و آن مسئله ميانه روي بوده، تعادل بوده، اصلاح طلبي بوده. فردا پنجاهمين سالگرد كودتاي بيست و هشتم مرداد است. در چنين روزي در سال 1332 خورشيدي، دولت دكتر محمد مصدق سقوط كرد. مصدق در خاطره جمعي ايرانيان، نماد مليت، استقلال، آزادي خواهي و قانون گرايي شناخته شده است. با انقلاب ايران، مليون نيز مانند ديگر احزاب و گروهها در براندازي نظام سلطنتي شركت كردند. آيت الله خميني در مقام رهبري انقلاب، نخستين دولت پس از انقلاب را از ميان همين ملي ها و پيروان محمد مصدق برگزيد، اما مخالفت با انديشه مصدق و شخصيت او از همان ماههاي نخستين پس از پيروزي انقلاب آغاز شد. داريوش همايون، وزير اطلاعات در عصر سلطنت محمد رضا پهلوي، در مصاحبه با راديوفردا، ميراث مصدق را صرفا نمادين مي داند و مي گويد که مصدق الهام بخش ما در روزهاي تيره و تار است و اينکه اين ملت هميشه توانايي اين را داشته است كه در بدترين شرايط و ناتوان‌ترين صورتهاي خودش، روي پا بايستد و مبارزه كند. احمد سلامتيان، از اعضاي جبهه ملي اما ديدگاهي يكسر متفاوت دارد و ستيز مصدق را با هرگونه راديكاليسم، مهمترين ميراث مصدق مي انگارد. راديكاليسمي كه حتي در شعارهاي بازمانده از انقلاب ايران، جلوه مي يابد.